H. A. Manandian

The Trade and Cities of Armenia
in Relation to Ancient World Trade

Continued from Previous Page

22. International Trade in Armenia before the Beginning of the Seventy Century:

The existence of trade relations between the present Armenia and Bactria is already considered probable in the earliest period of the Khaldian kingdom. The academician Barthold has pointed out that the representation of a double-humped camel is found on the obelisk of the Assyrian king, Shalmeneser II, erected in 842 B. C. "The two-humped camels are listed here", as he points out, "as part of the tribute of one of the rulers of present-day Armenia" (23). We also know that the the same two-humped camels were found in the army of Mithradates Eupator (24).

During the Hellenistic period we observe a quickening of commercial relations throughout the whole of the Eastern-Iranian world and in the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom. This is the very period, as we noted before, when Hellenistic trade centres began to develop along the northern highway, and the city of Artaxata was founded a little later. The importance of Armenia as a transit territory grew in proportion to the establishment of trade relations between northern Iran and the markets of the Black Sea. An increase of transit through Artaxata is more than probable in the following Parthian-Persian period since international trade with China began at the end of the IInd century B. C. and the great transit routes came into being.

The important part played by Armenia in the international trade in Chinese and Central Asiatic goods lasted about seven centuries, until approximately the end of the VI century A. D. At that time, the importation of Chinese silk to Byzantium gradually died out; at the same time began the uninterrupted wars waged by Byzantium first against Persia and subsequently against the Caliphate, and the importance of Armenia as a transit territory greatly diminished, as we shall see.

The oldest information on the trade of Armenia in the Romano-Parthian period is to be found in Strabo. In his description of the city of Comana, as one of the important religious centres of Pontus, Strabo incidentally notes the close commercial relations existing with Armenia. "Comana is a populous city and a notable emporium for the people [79] from Armenia" (25). On the basis of this evidence and of the indirect information given by Roman Itineraries, I believe we may conclude that at the beginning of the first century of our era the road from Armenia to the Black Sea ran through Satala and Comana. Trebizond could not take part in the transit trade at the time of Strabo since the road from Satala to Trebizond, which crossed the Pontic chain, was cut through by the Romans in the second half of the 1st century A. D. This road first served the military and political interests of the empire, and the city of Trebizond, where part of the Roman fleet was stationed, was primarily a base for the imperialistic policy of Rome. Trebizond gradually acquired its position of importance in the Far-eastern trade, probably from the second century of our era, after a suitable harbour was built there by the emperor Hadrian (117-138 A.D.).

A whole series of indirect information leads us to believe that the Roman-Parthian epoch was a period of growth not only for Mediterranean trade but also for that of the Black Sea and Central Asia through Nisibis and Artaxata. The development of overland trade in the north, through northern Mesopotamia and Armenia, is incidentally indicated by the fact that the Roman empire minted for Cappadocia and Pontus a silver coinage equal in weight to the Arsacid drachmae. It is also interesting that in the first two centuries of Roman rule, in the period of great expansion in commercial relations, we note a cultural and economic development in Pontus as well as in Arsacid Armenia; in this same epoch were founded in the north the new cities of Nicopolis, Neo-Caesarea, Sebasteia, Vagharshapat and Mcurn. This prosperity is undoubtedly to be explained by the significant effect of the Far-eastern trade.

Side by side with the development of international trade, the foreign trade of Armenia herself must have been growing. In the opinion of professor Xalateanc the major export products of Armenia were "horses, mules, metals, dyes (particularly the so-called 'Armenian dye', sandyx, which resembled purple), grain, wines, oil and, also various local handicrafts" (26). Unfortunately, much of this conclusion is highly controversial and open to doubt; many of these hypotheses have little foundation and are not supported by the evidence of the sources.

We must note that some information is to be found on Armenia's foreign exchange of goods, mainly in Arab sources; classical authors, however, mention only the rarities found in Armenia. For, example, Pliny the Elder mentions the following plants, dyes and minerals in his Natural History; the adamantis plant before which lions fall with open jaws (27), laser the juice of the laserpitium which grows in Persia, Media, and Armenia and is exported to Rome as a medicinal plant (28), the colour prepared in Armenia which painters call orabitis (29), the mineral which was sent [80] from Armenia, called armenium and which dyed like chrysocolla (30), alimen -- alum (31), and grinding stones (32).

Dioscorides the physician, who lived in the first century A. D., informs us that, "the best possible amom is Armenian, is golden in colour with a yellowish wood and a pleasant perfume" (33). The metropolitan of Thessalonica, Eustathius, who made use of ancient sources, observes, in a commentary on Dionysius, that a stone which could be used to cut out or bore through seals was obtained in Armenia (34).

Undoubtedly Armenia exported not only rare plants, colours and minerals but also more essential goods. Concerning them, however, insofar as I know, our information is derived not from the writers of the Roman period but from later Byzantine and Arab sources.

In the Byzantine-Sasanid period, the transit trade through Armenia is mentioned in the Codex Justinianus, in the imperial edict of 408-409 A. D. (35). From this edict we learn that an agreement existed between the Empire and Sasanid Persia according to which international trade was carried on at three previously designated places: on Persian territory -- Nisibis, on imperial territory--Callinicum (the present Rakka on the Euphrates) and in Armenia --Artaxata. The supervision of this trade on the Byzantine side was entrusted to certain officials called comites commerciurn (36). Customs were located in the cities designated at which duties on transit merchandise were collected. For this reason these places were called dekateuteria, as may be seen in the account of Menander (37).

The limitation of commercial exchanges to definite frontier locations is perfectly understandable since freedom of movement in the modern sense did not exist at that time. According to Roman and evidently also Persian laws, entry from one empire to another was strictly forbidden, consequently merchants from Sasanid Persia and the Byzantine empire could not travel and carry their wares to Constantinople or Ctesiphon. They were forced to trade and have contact with each other exclusively in those frontier towns which had been designated by treaty. Consequently Armenia, with its capital Artaxata, was in this period not only a transit territory but at the same time an important centre for international exchanges.

The treaty between the Empire and Persia referred to in the edict of 408-409 (38), is presumed by scholars to have been concluded in 387 or 363 (39). In the opinion of Güterbock, the reference in the edict to a foedus with Persia relates to the treaty of 387, in which regulations concerning reciprocal relations may have been included, in addition to the agreement on the partition of Armenia. In my opinion, Giiterbock is right, since in 363, the date of the treaty between Jovian and Sapuh II, Artaxata was to be found within the limits of independent Armenia and could not have been included in this treaty for that reason.

[81] The very fact that Artaxata is included in the treaty of 387 as one of the three points of international exchange, at the very moment of the partition of Armenia, deserves particular attention. It seems to me that the inclusion of Artaxata into the treaty of 387 gives us an indirect indication that the capital of the Armenian Arsacids was, even earlier, before he conclusion of the treaty, a centre for international commercial relations.

When Armenia in the Vth century became a Marzbanate, we know that ts capital was Dwin located near the northern limits of Artaxata. Dwin continued to play an important part in the trade of Byzantium with Persia and was as much a centre for international trade as had been Artaxata.

The most important items of exchange both in Artaxata and in Dwin were undoubtedly Chinese silk and Chinese fabrics. We find an indirect reference to this, which is of the utmost interest, in the great work of the Frankish historian Gregory of Tours, the Historia Francorum. When Vardan Mamikonean and the rebel leaders fled to Byzantium at the time of the revolt of 572, according to Gregory of Tours, they appeared before the emperor with an enormous quantity of silk, asked for his protection and said that they were at war with the king of Persia (40). Ernest Stein, from whom we have taken this information, thinks it possible that this silk was really brought not by Armenians but by Turks. The doubts and indecision of Stein are clearly baseless. We know that in 572 the rebels seized Dwin and it is entirely probable that they pillaged the city and seized there the Chinese silk brought for trade.

The city of Dwin, as an important centre of international exchange, is described in detail by Procopius of Caesarea in the VIth century:

Now Doubios is a land excellent in every respect, and especially blessed with a healthy climate and abundance of good water; and from Theodosiopolis it is removed a journey of eight days. In that region there are plains suitable for riding, and many very populous villages are situated in very close proximity to one another, and numerous merchants conduct their business in them. For from India and the neighbouring regions of Iberia and from practically all the nations of Persia and some of those under Roman sway they bring merchandise and carry on their dealings with each other there (41).

In addition to the evidence cited, we find one more important indication of the trade of Byzantium and Persia in the treaty concluded in 562 between Justinian and Xosrov [Chosroes] I Anusirwan. We see, from the third clause of that treaty, that the fourth century agreement as to the frontier trade centres remained in vigour both in the fifth and in the sixth century (43). The evidence cited definitely shows that Armenia played quite an important part in the world trade of the Orient in the Parthian-Persian period.

23. The Cities of Armenia before the Period of Arab Domination:

In the second century of our era the new cities of Mcurn and Vagharshapat were founded by the Armenian Arsacids. A chance remark concerning the foundation of Mcurn is found in the history of Faustus of Byzantium. Faustus relates that the prince, the Mardpet, having visited the holy places in Artaxata [Artashat], went from there to the Euphrates-Arsanias, at the place where another river flows into it, and there was killed by Shavasp Arcruni. "At that place", writes Faustus, "there was a city in ancient times built by king Sanatruk, and this place was called Mcurn" (44). As we see from Faustus' account, this city was destroyed even before the Vth century. Movses Xorenaci, not knowing of the existence in Armenia of the city of Mcurn, attributes to Sanatruk the building of Mcbin-Nisibis. "Of all the activities of Sanatruk the only one which we consider worthy of attention is the building of the city of Mcbin which, having been damaged by an earthquake, was razed by Sanatruk and rebuilt more magnificently. He surrounded it with a double wall with reinforcements and (ordered) his statue put up in the middle [83] (of the city) with a single coin in his hand which had the following significance: all my treasures were expended on the building of this city and only this one (coin) remained" (45). The error of Movses Xorenaci is easily understood, since it is graphically entirely possible that Մծուին (Mcuin) was read instead of Մծուրն (Mcurn). For this reason it has been supposed that in the source used by Xorenaci information had probably been given of the foundation of Մծուրն (Mcurn) by Sanatruk, but that Movses having read Մծուին (Mcuin) instead of Մծուրն (Mcurn) shifted the evidence to Nisibis. The information as to the earthquake and the destruction of Nisibis was probably invented by Movses himself.

In the most recent studies, the period of king Sanatruk is given as being between the reigns of Trdat I and Axidares (46), consequently Mcurn was built either in the last quarter of the Ist century A. D. or at the very beginning of the IInd century. According to Markwart, Mcurn stood near the Arsanias and its left tributary the Kara-su (47) and had a very favourable strategic location since it dominated the roads leading through Palu to Melitene, through Xnus to Karin [Erzurum], through the Taurus to Tigranocerta, and through Bagawan to Artaxata. The location of Mcurn was also unquestionably convenient for commercial relations since it was placed in the fruitful and rich plain of Taron and at the same time stood at an advantageous point of intersection of trade routes.

In addition to the cited evidence of Faustus, we have one more reference to Mcurn in the Early History [The Primary History] of Sebeos. According to this testimony, in the city of Mcurn (48), in the ruins of the palace of Sanatruk, a column was found on which was an inscription about the first Arsacid kings of Armenia and Parthia (49). The Early History calls "Maraba the philosopher" a Mcurnian, and thus confirms that the author of the most ancient history of Armenia was born in Mcurn. The testimony cited above, and particularly the interesting information as to the discovery of a palace and column with an inscription in the ruins of Mcurn, definitely show that this city was the residence of the Armenian king Sanatruk.

In addition to the city of Mcurn, we know that at the beginning of the rule of the Armenian Arsacids was founded the city of Vagharshapat which was also called Nor K'alak' or Kaine Polis, "New City". Mommsen, basing himself on a fragment of Cassius Dio preserved in Suidas' Dictionary (at the word Martios), attributes the foundation of Kaine Polis to the Roman general Priscus who took and presumably destroyed Artaxata in 163 A. D. during the war against the Parthians and the Armenians (50). The opinion of Mommsen was accepted by almost all scholars and was repeated without modification in their works (51). It is only relatively recently that Markwart and Asturian have spoken out against Mommsen's theory (52). In their opinion the founder of Kaine Polis, which was also called Vagharshapat, was the son of Sanatruk, Vagharsh, who reigned in [84] Armenia, as has been determined by the most recent investigations, not in the time of Septimius Severus (A. D. 194-211) but much earlier, in the period of Hadrian (117-138). Asturian correctly points out that in the fragment of Cassius Dio to which Mommsen refers, nothing is said in fact about the foundation of Kaine Polis by Statius Priscus; there is merely the mention in it that this city was proclaimed the capital of Armenia by Martius Verus after the pacification of the Armenian rebellion. Thus it is evident that Mommsen's assertion is to be rejected as without any foundation at all.

Markwart derives his attribution of the foundation of Kaine Polis-Vagharshapat to the Arsacid Vagharsh from the name of the city, Vagharshapat (Vagharsh-apat), the literal meaning of which is "settled by Vagharsh" (53). The change of name of the city from Vagharshapat to Kaine Polis could have occurred, in my opinion, simultaneously with its proclamation as "first city" or capital of Armenia in 163. As we have seen above, Movses Xorenaci identifies Vagharshapat with Vardgesawan in which, as he says, Tigran II settled "the Jews of the first captivity". This place, says Movses Xorenaci, was transformed into a large trading settlement, "Vagharsh surrounded it by a wall and a great fortification and named it Vagharshapat" (54).

In another part of the same chapter a curious passage of the ancient Armenian national epic is quoted about the foundation of Vagharshapat. Movses Xorenaci writes,

He (Vagharsh) also surrounded with a wall the large settlement of Vardges which is on the Kazax river of which the following is related in the legend:

He left and went Vardges, the youth
From the province of the Tux to Kazax, the river,
He came and settled on Shresh hill
Near Artimed town, by the Kazax river,
To chisel and carve the gates of Erwand, the king (55).

In my opinion, we may presume that the city of Vagharshapat, first called "the city of Artimed" and subsequently "the settlement of [85] Vardges", was settled once again and reorganized as a city by the Arsacid king Vagharsh, as is indicated by the name Vagharshapat. It seems to me, however, that in opposition to the testimony of Movses Xorenaci, Vardgesawan, later called Vagharshapat, was already in existence in Erwandian times; it was probably already in this ancient period a fortified place and commercial centre, and, like Erwandashat and Armavir, it was protected by a wall. Assuredly, this problem still requires additional new research.

It is of the utmost interest that the new cities, Mcurn and Vagharshapat were founded by the first Arsacid kings of Armenia in a relatively brief period of time. After the accession of the Arsacid Trdat [Tiridates] to the throne of Armenia, the capital of Artaxata, destroyed by the Roman general Corbulo in 59 A. D., was re-founded. We know that Artaxata was rebuilt by Italian masters and workmen with funds provided by Nero (55A). After Artaxata-Neroniana, in the period of Sanatruk, who is considered to be the successor of Trdat I, we have the foundation of Mcurn. Then, after a short interval, Vagharsh, the son of Sanatruk, founded Vagharshapat. Consequently, in the course of 50 to 70 years three large cities--Artaxata-Neroniana, Mcurn and Vagharshapat were built. This interesting phenomenon, which bears witness to the economic growth and prosperity of Armenia, is probably to be explained by the fact that the friendly relations established between Rome and the Arsacid realms, in the period of Trdat I and his successors, furthered the development of trade in Armenia.

With the interruption of these friendly relations, which lasted about fifty years, the economic prosperity of Armenia was not, however, weakened in any way. We know that the southern commercial centres of Seleucia on the Tigris, Nisibis and Edessa were destroyed in the conquering expeditions of Trajan (in 115-117 A. D.). With the destruction of these commercial cities, it is evident that trade relations along the northern highway, through Ecbatana and Artaxata, had to be increased. Thus, owing to the temporary transfer of the southern routes, Armenia acquired the leading place in international overland trade. It is, therefore, natural that the period immediately following Trajan was favourable to the economic development of Armenia as well as to the appearance of new cities. It seems to me that we have here the explanation for the rise of Vagharshapat which was later to become the capital of Armenia.

From the end of the second century, and connected with the protracted economic crisis within the Roman empire, the trade of Rome in the Orient fell off considerably; it began to revive once more in the IVth century and reached a new peak in the Eastern Roman or Byzantine empire. We can suppose a considerable decline in international trade through Armenia and a corresponding drop in international trade centres in the country during the period of acute economic crisis in the Roman [86] empire, in the IIIrd and the beginning of the IVth century. We must note that the sources do not speak of the foundation of new cities during that time.

The most detailed information on the Armenian cities of the fourth century is to be found in Faustus of Byzantium. In his description of the merciless pillage and devastation of Armenia by Sapuh II in 364-367 A. D., Faustus lists the cities destroyed by the king of Persia whose inhabitants were taken into captivity. According to his account, eight cities were destroyed by Sapuh II: Tigranocerta, Vagharshapat, Artaxata, Erwandashat, Zarehawan, Zarishat, Van and Naxijewan. The number of people taken into captivity were: from Tigranocerta--40,000 families, from Vagharshapat--19,000 families (56), from Artaxata--40,000 families of Armenians and 9,000 families of Jews, from Erwandashat--20,000 families of Armenians and 30,000 families of Jews, from Zarehawan--5,000 families of Armenians and 8,000 families of Jews, from Zarishat--10,000 families of Armenians and 14,000 families of Jews, from Van--5,000 families of Armenians and 18,000 families of Jews, and from Naxijewan--2,000 families of Armenians and 16,000 families of Jews (57). The figures given have no historical value. Faustus, who takes his information from popular tradition, always gives exaggerated and occasionally purely fantastic figures. There is, however, no doubt that Jews and Syrians, as we have already said, formed an important part of the urban population of Armenia and played a predominant part in the commercial and industrial life of the country.

In addition to Tigranocerta, Artaxata and Vagharshapat, the most famous Armenian cities mentioned in the account of Faustus are Erwandashat, Zarehawan, Zarishat, Van and Naxijewan. Judging from the description of Movses Xorenaci, Erwandashat, founded by Erwand the Last, was, as we saw, at first a fortress and citadel around which merchants and artisans were apparently concentrated. It became a large commercial centre probably a little later. From the evidence of Xorenaci and Faustus, we see that in the Arsacid period Erwandashat was part of the domain of the princely house of Kamsarakan and seems to have been as much a leading centre of Armenia as Artaxata and Vagharshapat. As we shall subsequently see, the great trade importance of Erwandashat is to be explained by the fact that, similarly to Artaxata, it was a junction point near the highway to Satala-Trebizond, as well as to Phasis and Sebastopolis-Dioscurias.

South of Erwandashat, and of the mountain chain of Agri-dagi, stood the city of Zarehawan in the province of Bagrewand. According to the testimony of Faustus, it was located not far from Bagawan (58). We shall see that Bagawan corresponds in the Tabula Peutingeriana to the junction station of Ragauna (= Bagauna) whence the road from Artaxata ran southward to Tigranocerta and westward to Satala. Consequently the city of Zarehawan [87] was also situated near the main road for caravan trade. Completely destroyed at the time of the punitive expeditions of Sapuh II, Zarehawan could not recover and was completely abandoned. In the Vth century it is mentioned in the Armenian History of Lazar P'arpeci as a village of no importance (59). Historians tell us nothing of its foundation and we can only conclude from its etymology that Zarehvan was founded by Zareh.

Our information concerning the city of Zarishat, which is called "a great city" by Faustus, is also extremely scanty. We only know from the testimony of Faustus and of Movses Xorenaci that it belonged to the Armenian Arsacids and was located in the province of Aliovit which lay north-east of Lake Van on the road from modern Patnos to Arces (60).

Among the cities destroyed by Sapuh II, Faustus also mentions Van and Naxijewan. Van, which lay in the province of Tosp and was called by Armenian historians the city of Semiramis, was, as we know, the political and cultural centre of the Khaldian kingdom. Its history is well known from cuneiform inscriptions. The only curious point is that in Khaldian inscriptions the country to the east of Lake Van is called Biaina, while Tosp (Tuspa in the Vannic inscriptions) is the name not of the country but of the capital itself.

The city of Naxijewan was an important trade centre on the road from Ecbatana to Artaxata. Standing on the northern highway of international commerce, Naxijewan played an important part in world trade both in this and the following period. In the second century B. C. it is mentioned in Ptolemy under the name of Naxouana (60A). The exact date of its appearance is not known; on the basis of traditions preserved in Armenian and Persian sources, its foundation is presumed to have taken place many centuries before our era. According to the evidence of Movses Xorenaci, the district around the fortress of Naxijewan was settled with captive Medes after the victory of Tigran I over Astyages (61). We see from this that Xorenaci assumes the existence of Naxijewan already in the VIth century B. C. We must note, however, that the information of Xorenaci about Tigran I has been shown by the most recent investigators to refer in fact to Tigran the Great. For this reason the evidence just cited is open to serious doubt.

After the division of Armenia between Byzantium and Sasanid Persia (in 387 A. D.), Dwin became the capital and chief commercial centre of Oriental Armenia (probably beginning with the second half of the Vth century). Western Armenia, on the other hand, acquired its own centre Theodosiopolis, which became the residence of the count and, with the passage of time, became a great commercial city. Procopius tells us that this city was located [88]

... hard by the boundaries of Persarmenia; now in this place there had been a village from old, but it had taken on the dignity of a city by the favour of the Emperor Theodosius (II) even to the name, for it had come to be named after him (62).

When Theodosius, the Emperor of the Romans, took over the dominion of Arsaces, ... he built on one of the hills a fort (frourion) which was easy for assailants to capture, and he named it Theodosiopolis (63).

After the Byzantino-Persian war of 502-505, the emperors Anastasius (491-518) and later Justinian I (527-565) took pains to fortify Theodosiopolis more effectively than before and the fortification, that is the castle erected by Theodosius II, was transformed into a solid fortress guarding the city rebuilt by Anastasius. Procopius tells us that

The Roman Emperor Anastasius not much later built a city there, enclosing within the circuit-wall the hill on which stood the fortress of Theodosius. And he gave his own name to the city, yet he was quite unable to obliterate that of Theodosius, the earlier founder; for although familiar names are wont constantly to be changed by men for new, nevertheless the older names cannot easily be relinquished. This wall of Theodosiopolis was of adequate extent, but it did not rise to a height proportionate to its thickness. In fact it attained a height of only about thirty feet, and for this reason it had proved very easy for an enemy to capture by assault, particularly for the Persians. In other ways too it was vulnerable; for it was protected neither by outerworks nor by a moat. Indeed, there was actually a certain elevation which came very close to the city and overtopped the circuit-wall. Consequently the Emperor Justinian took the [89] following measures to meet the situation. First of all he dug a very deep ditch all around, making it very similar to the ravine between lofty mountains. Next he sliced off the elevated ground, so transforming it as to make a series of impassable cliffs and of gulches affording no outlet. And in order that the wall might be exceptionally high and altogether impregnable, in case anyone should attack it, he added all the details which he had incorporated in the fortifications of Daras. For he made the embrasures quite narrow, just wide enough for the defenders to be able to shoot from them, and by adding courses of stone he built thereon a storey like a gallery all around, and then cleverly added other embrasures above them; and surrounding the wall with outworks on all sides he made it much like the circuit-wall of Daras, fashioning each tower as a strong fortress. Here he stationed all the troops and the General of the two Armenias, and thus made the Armenians thenceforth too strong to be afraid of the attacks of the Persians (66).

... at the foot of a well situated mountain whence flowed a multitude of small clear springs. He surrounded it by a deep moat and in a pit laid the foundation of the walls. On these he raised enormous and heavy towers of which he called the first Theodosia in honour of Theodosius. Further he built sharp-ended towers like the prow of ships and stretched passages with incurved recesses which faced the mountain. Similar towers were built facing the plain toward the north. On the eastern and western sides, however, he built round towers. In the center of the city, on a raised spot, were established a large number of magazines and this place was called the Augusteon in honour of Augustus. He also led in other streams through many places by hidden canals. He filled the city with arms and troops and named it Theodosiopolis so that the memory of the city should immortalize the name of the emperor."

They built a Xosrovian tower, fearless against engines, and raised three walls on one foundation. Orders were given to dig out and carry away earth for the space of three walls and to dig through to the centre [90] of the city. Then a deep ditch was filled with enormous undressed blocks and lime and on a single foundation three walls were erected. In the interior, on the side of the city, two hundred steps going further and further down were set on the wall so that the wall might not be shaken by tunneling under. In the same way, two hundred steps, one below the other were set on the outside of the wall for safety from tunneling by the enemy. Other means were also invented in case the enemy should attack, besiege and close the roads to the city. They organized underground routes to the city, that is, they succeeded in digging deep under ground and in leading a tunnel to the plain, half a day's journey from the city, to a place where there are stagnant waters which form a "shamb", a swamp filled with reeds. In this way, in case of siege they could obtain fodder for the cattle and reeds for fuel and the enemy would know nothing of it. On the other side of the city they also laid a tunnel to the moutain named Aicu-Putkunk', "Goat-teats", and filled it with large rocks. In the eventuality that cavalry were needed, it could be sent for and might ride into the city without the knowledge of the enemy.

As regards water, all was excellently organized, exactly as it should be. There is no one in the city, rich or poor, who might not make use of the water from the underground conduits. The palaces and towers are magnificent and built of cut stone. The streets and squares, slaughter houses and markets are of impeccable cleanliness. The churches amaze the beholders. The gates of the city are tall and broad, the walls well-kept and the towers all Xosrovian (68).

Concerning the internal life and organization of the above mentioned cities we have almost no information. From the indirect indications of Movses Xorenaci and John the Kat'olikos, we can observe that townsmen stood higher than peasants on the social scale and enjoyed definite privileges (69). But unfortunately lack of data makes it impossible to determine just what these privileges were or the particularities of the city administration.

Continued on Next Page

Footnotes

Page opens in a separate window.